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Christianity is not a politician’s prop

We are living in a remarkable moment for Christianity in American public life. Far from the progressive prediction of inevitable secularization, there is an uptick in politicians across the political spectrum invoking Christianity. Despite what our secular betters may hope for, Christianity refuses to go extinct. But that Christianity may not be going extinct does not mean that the species of public Christianity is faring well, either.

Consider a few recent examples:

U.S. Senate candidate James Talarico and Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear regularly invoke their Christian faith to justify abortion and transgenderism. They do so without compunction, asserting that Christianity favors their preferred policies.

At a recent Easter lunch at the White House, “Evangelist” Paula White, the White House faith liaison, compared the legal battles of President Trump to the crucifixion of Jesus Christ.

And President Trump, after releasing an admittedly wholesome video on the Easter holiday, took to social media on Easter Sunday to spew vulgarities completely at odds with presidential decorum (along with a bizarre reference to “praise be to Allah”). To talk about the sacrifice of Jesus on one day while bombarding social media feeds with profanity the next day is, to put it charitably, jarring.

What do each of the preceding examples have in common? They show the perils of Christianity within the halls of power when evacuated of theological substance.

But even so, a qualification is in order. If you believe, as I do, that America is a nation deeply formed by the Christian moral conscience, we should positively and unhesitatingly want Christianity to have a public place in our country. It is only fitting, after all, that a nation with a Christian majority has officials who speak to its people in its own moral and religious language.

The problem is not with the invocation of Christianity per se; the problem only surfaces when Christianity is mined for political purposes at odds with the core theological substance of Christian doctrine, when Christianity is stripped of its theological sobriety and used as a prop in the hands of officials who are apt to abuse Christianity for partisan ends.

What, then, is the proper use of Christianity in the halls of power? It begins with not twisting Christianity to endorse practices wholly at odds with Scripture and, secondarily, with avoiding inappropriate comparisons of tawdry politicians with a history of questionable business practices and political dealings to a sinless Savior.

I can think of at least three ways Christianity can be responsibly invoked to undergird America’s moral imagination.

First, as a historical reality, politicians can rightly remind citizens of the debt America owes to Christian thought. From the moral imagination that underpins the Declaration of Independence to the Great Awakenings that shaped America’s moral conscience from the 19th century to the present, American history is, in many ways, a religious history all its own. Secretary of State Marco Rubio echoed this sentiment commendably earlier this year in his Munich address.

Second, as a providential reality, politicians would be right to communicate that all of history, including America’s, unfolds under the watchful gaze of Almighty God. Doing so helps extend the perspective that Americans operate from, reminding them that our present-day concerns are the product of a previous era of history that also guides us into the future. Related to this are concerns about the accountability of the American people and the American government to a source higher than themselves, to God.

Third, as a moral matter, Christianity can and should provide the moral ballast that anchors American civic and moral ideals—questions of objective morality’s basis, its necessity for grounding human rights beyond the negotiable and revocable fluctuations of human consensus, and finally, its relevance for naming the moral goods that Americans ought to celebrate.

These are hardly all the reasons that could be listed for stewarding Christianity in public life. But regardless, Christianity plays a pronounced role in the American imagination, so we must call on all politicians to steward the Christian faith responsibly, not simply strip it for parts to justify whatever the politician wants justified.

It appears there is a trade-off at play in public Christianity. On the one hand, we can be glad to see renewed references to Christianity in public life. On the other hand, we should also wince at the mockery made of the Christian faith when distorted for immoral ends. But this trade-off need not be permanent. There is nothing inherently at odds with politicians practicing their faith publicly and with theological substance, but it must be done responsibly. Examples of this abound, such as former Sen. Ben Sasse, whose tragic fight with cancer is showing America what it means to suffer under the promise of resurrection hope undergirded by doctrinal seriousness.

To be clear, the invocation of Christianity in public life does not require that our politicians attend seminary or demonstrate exegetical mastery, but it also calls on us to hold them accountable for responsibly stewarding the Christian faith in ways that do not deform it into something unrecognizable.

If politicians cannot wield Christianity responsibly in their comments, it would be better for Christianity not to be mentioned at all.

This article originally appeared at WORLD Opinions on April 7, 2026.

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