This may come as a surprise to many journalists and academics, but the main reason that evangelical Christians tend to vote Republican in large majorities is not out of a slavish devotion to right-wing politics or an obsession with power.
Consider a recent comment made by the political scientist Ryan Burge on X (formerly Twitter). According to a graphic that Burge created, among white voters, the Democrats’ main voting coalition is people who never attend church. In stark contrast, the Republican’s primary coalition is people who attend church once a year or more.
What explains this? Is it a raw desire for political self-aggrandizement? Is it just a coincidence? Is it because Christians look favorably upon Donald Trump’s bravado and narcissism? Or, perhaps, is it because the parties allow themselves to be shaped more or less favorably by the values of religious voters?
One explanation I’ve offered previously looked at the architecture of conservative thought and explained how it more easily aligns with the architecture of Christian thought. That does not mean they are the same. It only means there are resemblances between the ideas of Christianity and conservatism that more naturally align than is the case with Christianity and progressivism.
There is another angle to consider.
For the sake of argument to demonstrate that Christians are not simply Republicans by arbitrary fiat, consider two alternate scenarios. Imagine in the first scenario that the modern Democratic Party held broadly conservative values. Perhaps it is the party less hostile to Christian values. In that situation, it is easy to assume that Christians would vote for Democrats more often.
Imagine in the second scenario that both parties do not have wildly divergent beliefs about fundamental questions related to human nature, the definition of family, the place of religion in society, the existence of objective truth, or basic justice. This would be the case of the two platforms that existed in, in large part, in previous generations. Imagine the main differences were between taxation, the size and scope of government, how best to protect laborers, or how best to incentivize family formation. I would almost certainly predict in such a situation that there would be far more political diversity among Christians. In fact, let me go on record stating that this would be a far more preferable scenario. We should long for a political ecosystem where basic aspects of common sense and the common good were not up for debate. While I prefer smaller government and smaller taxes, I can acknowledge that Christians of good faith may come to different conclusions than me on some of these questions. That, in turn, would mean that the political spread of Christians would look more diffuse and divergent.
The common denominator for why Christians vote Republican in today’s context is not political obeisance for the sake of political obeisance. The common denominator is biblical commitment and the ability to effectuate those commitments in tangible ways, often in public policy. The Republican Party—though imperfect, flawed, and full of shortcomings fully deserving of criticism—supports and maintains an openness towards the values of Christians that the modern Democrat party simply does not.
Once it is understood that the political divide in contemporary America is, at its core, a moral divide—and that moral reasoning is inescapably shaped by underlying religious or metaphysical commitments—it follows that the fundamental distinction between the major political parties lies in the extent to which each permits itself to be guided by religiously informed moral values. While party identities may evolve over time, the modern Democratic Party has become institutionally aligned with a secular progressive framework that is, in its foundational assumptions, incompatible with a biblical moral vision.
Burge’s analysis also helps explain why certain self-styled “evangelical” thought leaders at mainstream outlets who scold evangelicals for voting Republican either lack discernment, wish to impugn a politically acceptable scapegoat, nurse grudges, or deliberately ignore reality. When the Democratic mainstream increasingly reflects a fusion of sexual progressivism, weaponized identity politics, and economic statism, it’s not difficult to understand why evangelicals—despite the flaws and shortcomings of the GOP—opt for the alternative. The two parties are not morally equivalent, and to pretend otherwise by injecting ambiguity between them is a transparent maneuver that fools no one but the pundits making it. Perhaps Christians who vote Republican understand the dynamics of political realism better than those who wish to make Christian political activism an act of vanity or performative condescension.
There is no permanent relationship between Christians and the Republican Party. It is a simple contingency of the political moment that the Republican Party is less hostile to the concerns of Christians than Democrats. Perhaps that will change over time, but in the meantime, refusing to acknowledge more honest and outspoken realities than ascribing unspoken motivations and cynical reductions to political gamesmanship betrays honest thinking.
This article originally appeared at WORLD Opinions on May 12, 2025.
